Islam, Secularism and the Battle for Turkey's Future |
|
---|---|
Assessments Aug 23, 2010 Islam, Secularism and the Battle for Turkey's FutureSTRATFOR A deep power struggle is under way in the Republic of Turkey. Most outside observers see this as the latest phase in the decades-long battle between Islamism and Kemalist secularism. Others paint it as traditional Anatolia's struggle against modern Istanbul, egalitarianism versus economic elitism or democracy's rise against authoritarianism. Ultimately, the struggle boils down to a fight over a single, universal concept: power. A Power Struggle Rooted in GeopoliticsTurkey occupies a key geostrategic position. It sits at the crossroads of Asia and Europe and forms a bridge between the Black and Mediterranean seas. Turkey's core historically has centered on the isthmus that straddles the Sea of Marmara and Black Sea. Whether the map says Constantinople or Istanbul, whoever lays claim to the Bosporus and Dardanelles has control over one of the most active and strategic commercial routes in the world, a key military vantage point against outside invaders, and a launchpad for expansion into Eurasia. When Turkey is powerful, the country follows a Pan-Islamic model and can extend itself far and wide, from ruling over the Arabs and balancing the Persians in the Middle East to challenging the clout of Christian Europe in the Balkans to blocking Russia in the Caucasus and Central Asia. The Turkish Islamist MovementThe AKP is by no means pursuing the Islamist vision alone. A powerful force known as the Gulen movement has quietly and effectively penetrated the armor of the Kemalist state over four decades. The charismatic imam Fethullah Gulen, who lives in Pennsylvania, leads the transnational organization, along with a small group of what the Gulenists term "wise men." Inside Turkey, the Gulen movement follows a determined agenda that aims to replace the Kemalist elite and transform Turkey into a more religiously conservative society. Education: Sowing Seeds in the SchoolsTurkey's power struggle begins in the classroom. The most intense period of ideological cultivation for many Turks takes place between grades eight through 12, and the Gulen movement has spent the past three decades working aggressively in the education sector to mold young minds in Turkish schools at home and abroad. The goal is to create a generation of well-educated Turks who ascribe to the Gulen tradition and have the technical skills (and under the AKP, the political connections) to assume high positions in strategic sectors of the economy, government and armed forces. Strategic Placement But the Gulen movement and AKP do not only want loyal students to attend Gulen-run universities. Indeed, a core part of their strategy is to ensure the placement of their students in a variety of secular institutions where they can gradually grow in number and position themselves to influence strategic centers of Turkish society. For example, the university results of a Gulenist student may qualify him to attend the most elite university in Istanbul, but the movement will arrange for the student to attend a military academy instead, where the Gulenists are trying to increase their presence. Gulenist Schools' Expanding Global Influence Over the past few decades the Gulen movement has spread to virtually every corner of the globe through its expansive education network. The Gulenist international footprint comprises 1,000 private schools (according to Gulen estimates) spanning 115 countries, including 35 African countries. These Gulenist schools can be found in small towns everywhere from Ethiopia, Bosnia, Cambodia, India, Kazakhstan, Pakistan, Cote d'Ivoire, Azerbaijan — and even the United States, where according to some estimates, the movement runs more than 90 charter public schools in at least 20 states. Security: Taking on the MilitaryAtaturk, a military man at heart, wanted to ensure his work and vision for Turkey would remain intact long after his death. The Turkish armed forces seized responsibility for that legacy upon his death. Article 35 of the Army Internal Service Law of 1935 gives the military the constitutional right to protect and defend the Turkish homeland and the republic. While the Turkish Constitution outlaws the removal of democratically elected governments by force, according to the majority of the armed forces and the Kemalist camp, a constitutional republic is defined as the liberal and secular republic founded by Ataturk, not the religiously conservative republic growing under the rule of the Islamist-oriented AKP. From Deep State to Ergenekon The Gulen movement began this task with the police intelligence services. The Turkish police force had long been the weakest institution within the security apparatus, largely a reflection of the country's rural-urban divide through much of the 20th century. In the early part of the century, the rural population comprised two-thirds of the country, giving the gendarmerie, the branch of the armed services responsible for the security of the countryside, far more influence than the police, which patrolled urban areas. As more Turks began moving to the cities in the latter half of the century and eventually came to outnumber the rural population, however, the police steadily gained clout, providing the Gulen movement with a rare opportunity. Breaking Precedent with Jailed Generals A new and even more politically explosive coup plot was revealed in January by Taraf, a newspaper regularly praised by Gulenists. The plot, called "Balyoz," Turkish for "Sledgehammer," allegedly involved 162 members of the armed forces, including 29 generals. The group reportedly composed a 5,000-page document in 2003, shortly after the AKP came to power, detailing plans to sow violence in the country and create the conditions for a military takeover to "get rid of every single threat to the secular order of the state." Media and Business: Challenging the Secular Establishment
|
To the top |
---|